If, as I wrote last week, there is a rea­son why ‘Neo-Lib­er­als have anti-trade union posi­tions’, this should not be inter­pret­ed as apply­ing to employ­ers only. On the con­trary, many employ­ers realise that col­lec­tive bar­gain­ing with their employ­ees through rep­re­sen­ta­tive trade unions is not only a ratio­nal way for employ­ees to look after their inter­ests, but that it can also aid pro­gres­sive employ­ers to cre­ate a mutu­al­ly ben­e­fi­cial work­ing envi­ron­ment. In Ire­land the search for anti-trade-union, anti-work­er bias shouldn’t start with neolib­er­al employ­ers. That’s the sec­ond place to look.

The first place is with our government(s).

Ire­land is quite unique in how we reg­u­late trade union activ­i­ty. Or, to be more pre­cise, Ire­land is unique in the way we com­bine our con­sti­tu­tion and laws and reg­u­la­tions that we enact, and fail to enact, to enable the sim­ple act of work­ers join­ing and being rep­re­sent­ed by a Trade Union in the work­place. It doesn’t need to be like this. The right to form and join trade unions, to col­lec­tive­ly bar­gain and to strike, are uni­ver­sal human rights. Trade union rights are described in var­i­ous Inter­na­tion­al Labour Organ­i­sa­tion (ILO) Con­ven­tions, are recog­nised in the Char­ter of Fun­da­men­tal Rights of the Euro­pean Union, and are among the fun­da­men­tal rights guar­an­teed by the Euro­pean Con­ven­tion on Human Rights. As long ago as 1948, the Euro­pean Dec­la­ra­tion of Human Right’s ascribed that ‘every­one has the right to form and to join trade unions for the pro­tec­tion of his [sic] inter­ests’.

In the­o­ry our right to ‘unionise’ is a con­sti­tu­tion­al one that is pro­vid­ed for by Bun­reacht na h‑Eireann 1937. While ascrib­ing a ‘right of the cit­i­zens to form asso­ci­a­tions and unions’, at Arti­cle 40 the con­sti­tu­tion then goes on to say ‘Laws, how­ev­er, may be enact­ed for the reg­u­la­tion and con­trol in the pub­lic inter­est of the fore­go­ing right’. The reg­u­la­tion of those unions soon met leg­isla­tive pro­vi­sion when, in 1941, a Trade Union Act was enact­ed requir­ing unions in Ire­land to be licensed by the gov­ern­ment in order to oper­ate at all. This is a strin­gent inhi­bi­tion on union organ­is­ing, and suf­fice to say in the cur­rent era of neolib­er­al gov­ern­ments trade union licens­es are not spit­ting out of gov­ern­ment build­ings at the rate tax avoid­ance mech­a­nisms for the usu­al sus­pects are.

And it doesn’t end there. Ire­land also has what is called a ‘vol­un­tarist’ Indus­tri­al Rela­tions mod­el. In lay per­sons’ lan­guage, it means nobody can be forced to deal with any­one else as a mat­ter of law. For every right to asso­ciate (e.g. join a union) there is an implied counter right not to asso­ciate (e.g. not deal with them). As I set out last week, Ryanair noto­ri­ous­ly did it for years, as oth­er employ­ers do too, until work­ers col­lec­tive­ly exer­cis­ing their right to with­draw their labour lit­er­al­ly forced change. But short of that action there is no piece of leg­is­la­tion that can com­pel an employ­er to meet with a trade union, even if most or all of the employ­ees want them to do so. It’s ‘vol­un­tarist’.

We often talk here about the excess­es of Thatch­er in Britain. I cer­tain­ly do. We hear about how she ‘beat the trade unions’ and we take some silent com­fort in the fact that we nev­er had Thatcherite poli­cies here. Oh real­ly? Well, in Britain they had Thatch­er and they have had a Tory gov­ern­ment now since 2010. That gov­ern­ment is avowed­ly right wing with a strong far right influ­ence, and they despise trade unions. But for all of that, do you know what else they have?

They have trade union recog­ni­tion leg­is­la­tion.

The Trade Union and Labour Rela­tions Acts 1992 pro­vides that recog­ni­tion is grant­ed to a trade union – whether an employ­er wants it or not – if a major­i­ty of the work­ers affect­ed join. This is the law in Tory ruled, Thatcherite, Britain. It is even the law applic­a­ble lit­er­al­ly just up the road in North­ern Ire­land.

Here we had ‘social part­ner­ship’ from 1987 to 2008 which – we are told – gave unions unprece­dent­ed access and influ­ence over gov­ern­ment. We have had all shades of gov­ern­ments with so called ‘pro­gres­sives’ in gov­ern­ment on sev­er­al occa­sions, includ­ing from 2011–2106. Yet we still do not have such a law, or even a cam­paign for such a law. And, if such a law needs a con­sti­tu­tion­al amend­ment (arguable in light of Inter­na­tion­al law), then where is the cam­paign for such a debate, a draft pro­pos­al and a demand for a ref­er­en­dum?

As with the debate on the crim­i­nal­ly low rate at which we col­lect cor­po­ra­tion tax (that will be the sub­ject of a future blog), any dis­cus­sion of this mat­ter is met here with the ‘they’ll all take their busi­ness some­where else’ argu­ment. It is argued (always with­out any evi­dence or back up) that col­lect­ing the same rate of cor­po­ra­tion tax­es as our peer coun­tries, or pro­vid­ing sim­i­lar laws on worker’s rights – not to men­tion vin­di­cat­ing per­son­al rights regard­ing Unions – as those coun­tries, will some­how dis­able our nation and have us cast adrift, drown­ing in pover­ty, some­where in the mid-Atlantic.

Avoid­ing for now the real­i­ty that many of our cit­i­zens are already drown­ing in pover­ty and debt any­way, the truth is that the oppo­site is the case. The quest for a REAL alter­na­tive here must address these ‘sacred cows’ of neolib­er­al Ire­land if the rights of work­ers (par­tic­u­lar­ly the grow­ing num­bers in pre­car­i­ous and casu­al work) are to be an enabler to a fair­er, more just, soci­ety. The way to do that is for cit­i­zens to ques­tion the lazy con­sen­sus that we can­not change this, or even worse that change would some­how harm us, and to build cam­paigns in their trade unions and in their com­mu­ni­ties.

An Ire­land where work­ers are pro­tect­ed is not only good for work­ers, it is good for busi­ness too as those work­ers spend their mon­ey in the local econ­o­my. It is good for much-need­ed indige­nous indus­try, which we have neglect­ed in the rush to meet the some­times exces­sive demands of For­eign Direct Invest­ment (FDI), and it is also extreme­ly good for tax rev­enues which can build our declin­ing pub­lic ser­vices in pub­lic hous­ing, health­care, edu­ca­tion, trans­port and much more. Join a Trade Union today and let’s build that change.

ENDS

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